House of the Vettii, Room of the Cupids (or Cherubs): Under the influence of Augustan propaganda?

Continuing my digital enhancement of the images of artwork in the House of the Vettii in Pompeii, I have reached room q (Mau's floorplan) aka the Room of the Cupids or Cherubs, the largest entertainment space on the ground floor of the residence. Although frescos featuring male cupids and female psyches engaged in various tasks in horizontal registers within the space are beautifully preserved, many of the panel paintings did not survive, with the exception of floating figures of gods and heroes and a small painting of Silenus and Hermaphroditus viewable upon exiting the room. So, we have no idea if the missing panels reflected the more tragic nature of the paintings in the northeast exedra p, small triclinium t, or cubiculae and alae around the atrium. 

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023. Wall painting of Silenus and Hermaphroditus on west side of doorway room q (Mau Plan) courtesy of Giuseppe Ciaramella

We do know, however, that this space, with its location deep within the house was most likely the private entertainment space for family and most honored invited guests. As in the House of the Tragic Poet, the elite nature of this space is reflected in the overall color scheme of a black socle with red middle zone observed by art historian Bettina Bergmann in her study, The Roman House as Memory Theater: The House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii. Bergmann also noted beginning with the Third Style, panel paintings in more public entertainment spaces received the monumental epic scenes, while "small idyllic moments" decorated the more intimate rooms. This type of panel painting would certainly have blended better thematically with the cherubic nature of the other predominant artwork.

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower centre of east wall room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

The more intimate decor of this entertainment space contrasts sharply with the more publicly located and epically embellished exedra p with its faux marble socle, that had become stylish, first in Rome then subsequently in the provinces, after the construction of Nero's  monumental Domus Aurea, to eloquently express an occupant's public self-image. 

"During the past decades [since the days of Augustus] the Pompeian magisterial élite had renewed itself by incorporating families which formerly had no access to the city council; moreover/ the upper echelon's domestic display of the material paraphernalia of power was now emulated by broader sections of the population than ever before...The occasional introduction of real marble in Roman élite houses in the 1st c. B.C. had met with fierce criticism because of its association with Hellenistic royal palaces and the concomitant pretensions to power it seemed to embody. Though favouring the use of marble in the public domain, Augustus carefully avoided associations with the problematic phenomenon in the private sphere: he had the walls of his palace decorated in a reshaped Second Style which shied away from the ostentatious marble imitations typical of the preceding wall-decoration. Nero's conspicuous application of marble incrustation can be regarded as a conscious revival of Hellenistic royal tradition" - Rolf A. Tybot, University of Leiden, Roman wall-painting and social significance, Journal of Roman archaeology, Volume 14. 

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Looking east through doorway into exedra “p” (Mau plan)
with faux marble socle courtesy of Johannes Eber

But, although the more public exedra p may have reflected the recent influence of Nero in its decor and pretension to power, the Room of the Cupids still bears evidence of the earlier influence of Augustus and avoidance of direct reference to the control power brings. The more subtle messages of room q have therefore proven more challenging to interpret, especially due to the assumed social status of the last occupants of the space as freedmen.

Beth Severy-Hoven, Professor of the Classical Mediterranean and Middle East at Macalester College observed, "Previous scholars have approached the House of the Vettii and other art commissioned by freedmen with the status of ex-slaves in mind. Lauren Hackworth Petersen has argued well, however, that they tend to draw heavily on impressions of the concerns and predicaments of wealthy freedmen gleaned from the way they are mocked for comic effect by elite writers such as Juvenal, Martial and Petronius..."

"...We must remember that the freed were part of a subculture largely lost to us but in which, as Joshel and Petersen have shown, labour was a source of pride and identity, rather than shame, as it was among the elite." 

"A theoretical apparatus imported from outside the field of classics is one way to evade [Petronius'] Trimalchio vision. [Laura] Mulvey's work [on the male gaze in twentieth-century cinema] from 1975 provides tools for decoding an image's expression of power relations. These methods are both visual – in terms of costuming, body position, focalisation, the way characters view others inside the frame and how that encourages an external viewer to look – and narrative – in terms of who acts, who is acted upon and who is punished. "

"...consider persistently whether or not it matters if the owners of the house were freeborn or freed. A significant body of recent scholarship, including the work of Maud Gleason, Erik Gunderson, Anthony Corbeill and Amy Richlin, has analysed the literary production and artistic commissions of elite Roman men for the ways they define and defend their privileged status as men or attack the legitimacy of rivals based on questionable masculinity. Freedmen and other men had just as much, if not more motivation to assert their status as men and masters for themselves, for their peers, for their fellow citizens and for their own slaves and ex-slaves. In the end, the fact that this house may have been owned by former slaves only serves as a useful prompt to consider the question whether or not gender alone encodes social hierarchies in its mythological paintings." - Beth Severy-Hoven, Master Narratives and the Wall Painting of the House of the Vetti, 2012.

In the case of the Room of the Cupids, though, I think the political environment in which the artwork was selected needs to be considered as well. Cupid, the Roman equivalent of Eros was originally portrayed in ancient Greek art as a youth or even an adult. In the earliest accounts, like Hesiod's Theogony (8th/7th century BCE), Eros appears as a primordial god, existing alongside fundamental forces like Chaos and Gaia.  There's no mention of his age or appearance. Later portrayals, particularly in lyric poetry of the Archaic Period (around 7th-6th centuries BCE), depict Eros as a handsome young man. This image emphasizes his beauty and allure.  Cupid's image as a winged cherubic child wielding a bow and arrows became prominent in Roman art much later, from the time of Augustus (1st century BCE) onwards.

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower center of east wall, detail of part of painted panel with cupids in a chariot race room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Detail East wall southeast corner cupids as flower dealers, picking and selling flowers and making garlands room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 East wall southeast corner cupids as flower dealers, picking and selling flowers and making garlands (2) room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 East wall southeast corner cupids as flower dealers, picking and selling flowers and making garlands room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 east wall southeast corner painting of cupids as flower dealers, picking and selling flowers and making garlands room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Miriam Colomer

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower east wall at south end, detail of cupids making perfumed oil (2) room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower east wall at south end, detail of cupids making perfumed oil room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower east wall at south end, part of painted panel of cupids making perfumed oil room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower center of east wall, detail of part of painted panel  - the winning cupid in chariot race room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023 Lower centre of east wall, detail of part of painted panel with cupids in a chariot race (2) room q (Mau plan) courtesy of Johannes Eber

I suspected decorative elements incorporating child-like cupids may have been the result of Augustus' manipulative attempt to further reinforce his acclaim as Pater Patriae by the Roman Senate. 

To see if this may have been the case, I asked Google's Gemini AI query tool about this and it responded with:

"It's possible that the popularity of child-like cupids during Augustus' reign was partially influenced by his desire to solidify his image as Pater Patriae (Father of the Country). Here's why:

"Augustan Propaganda:  Augustus was a master of propaganda. He used art, literature, and architecture to carefully curate his public image.  The widespread depiction of cupids as playful children could have been part of this strategy.

"Symbolism of Renewal and Rebirth:  Cupid, as the son of Venus, the goddess of love, was associated with fertility, renewal, and the continuation of the Roman lineage.  By promoting the child-like cupid imagery, Augustus might have been subtly suggesting the promise of a new golden age under his rule.

"Connection to Aeneas:  The Romans [especially the Julians] believed their lineage traced back to the Trojan hero Aeneas, son of Venus.  By emphasizing his connection to Venus through the imagery of her son Cupid, Augustus could have been strengthening his claim to rightful leadership and continuity with Rome's founding myth.

"Shifting Cupid Depiction:  While adult Eros existed in Greek art, the child-like Cupid became prominent around the 1st century BCE, coinciding with Augustus' reign. This timing suggests a potential link between his propaganda efforts and the artistic trend.

"The rise of child-like cupids in Roman art during Augustus' reign was likely a confluence of factors.  While his desire to bolster his image as Pater Patriae might have played a part, it's important to consider the broader artistic and cultural context as well."

I also wondered if Augustus' morality laws may have influenced the development of depictions of child-like cupids. Gemini indicated the social climate during the rise of Augustus and his emphasis on traditional family values might have indirectly created a social climate that favored more idealized and innocent portrayals of love.  This could have influenced artists to depict Cupid as a playful child rather than a more overtly seductive figure.

I was actually thinking more about Augustus' laws promoting childbirth, particularly among the aristocracy, though.

Gemini observed, "Augustus' laws promoting childbirth, particularly among the aristocracy, might have had a more direct influence on the popularity of child-like cupids in Roman art compared to his morality laws. Here's why:

"Alignment with Goals:  Securing Legitimacy:  Augustus' primary concern was securing a stable succession and ensuring the continuation of his lineage.  Encouraging childbirth, especially within the aristocracy, would create a pool of potential heirs and solidify his dynasty.

"Image of Renewal:  The depiction of Cupid as a child inherently symbolized procreation, new beginnings, and the continuation of a lineage.  This symbolism directly aligned with Augustus' goals of promoting childbirth and renewal within Roman society.

"Propaganda and Public Image:  Augustus was a master of using art for propaganda.  By promoting the image of child-like cupids throughout Roman art, he could have subtly reinforced the importance of childbirth and family continuity, particularly within the aristocracy.

"Visual Reinforcement:  The widespread presence of child-like cupids in artwork could have served as a constant visual reminder of Augustus' policies and the societal value placed on procreation.  This would have resonated with the aristocracy, who were expected to comply with these laws.

"Overall, while Augustus' morality laws might not have had a direct link to the child-like Cupid imagery, his laws promoting childbirth within the aristocracy likely had a more significant influence.  The playful and innocent image of Cupid could have served as a visual reminder of his agenda and encouraged the aristocracy to comply with his policies."

Considering the Vettii's freedmen status, though, I wondered if the introduction of child-like cupid motifs especially in scenes of labor in the homes of freedman refer to their former lives as workers before their "renewal" as Roman citizens following manumission.

Gemini agreed:

"That's an interesting and thought-provoking interpretation! The presence of child-like cupid motifs in scenes of labor within the homes of freedmen could indeed hold a symbolic connection to their past lives and newfound freedom. 

"Past as Workers: The scenes of labor in the homes of freedmen could serve as a visual reminder of their previous lives as workers.  The inclusion of child-like cupids, associated with playfulness and innocence, could create a sense of contrast.

"Symbol of Renewal:  Cupids, especially in the context of labor, could represent a transformation.  Their child-like form might symbolize the "rebirth" of the freedman as a Roman citizen, free from the constraints of their former lives allowing them to pursue different aspirations.

"By considering the concept of child-like cupids symbolizing both past lives and newfound freedom, we gain a richer appreciation of the potential meaning behind these artistic choices. The presence of cupids in labor scenes within freedmen's homes could be a complex interplay of acknowledging their past, celebrating their present freedom, and perhaps even hinting at aspirations for a future that transcends manual labor."

Thinking about the depictions of cupids in other residences, I remembered The House of the Stags in Herculaneum also has a number of paintings featuring male cupids (with bird-like wings)  engaged in various tasks. However, female psyches (with butterfly-style wings)  are not included like they are in the Room of the Cupids (Cherubs) in the House of the Vettii. I thought about the marriage restrictions placed upon male freedmen  and considered the exclusion of wives from imperial or senatorial classes meant many freedmen's consorts may have been liberti as well so would have been engaged in commercial activities at some point before they, too, were freed. This would account for the absence of female laborers in the paintings from the House of the Stags, thought to be an aristocratic residence.

Roman fresco depicting Cupids at work in shoe factory, House of the Stags, Herculaneum, 1st century CE, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

The distinctive inclusion of both male and female representation in room q is further expressed in the panel painting of Silenus and Hermaphroditus. But rather than a message of moral behavior, I considered if Silenus, recognized as the wise tutor of Dionysus, may represent the constraints of traditional Roman social hierarchy, embodied by Rome's first emperor, Augustus, on both male and female individuals who were once enslaved but now enjoying the freedom granted to them by manumission.

Gemini pointed out that Silenus could indeed symbolize several aspects of 1st century CE Roman society.

"Duality of Freedom: Silenus, though Dionysus' companion and teacher, was also known for his indulgence in wine and his association with satyrs, creatures of wild impulse.  He could represent the potential pitfalls of newfound freedom for freedmen.

"Constraint vs. Excess:  The juxtaposition of Silenus with the playful cupids could symbolize the tension between the constraints of traditional Roman society (embodied by Silenus) and the potential for excess and transgression associated with newfound freedom (represented by the cupids).

"Augustus and Social Hierarchy:  While a direct link between Silenus and Augustus is debatable, the freedmen owners might have seen parallels between the strict social order Augustus established and the limitations Silenus, despite his closeness to Dionysus, might represent."

Gemini did caution me Silenus is a complex figure.  He can be seen as a wise teacher, a jolly drunkard, or a symbol of untamed nature.  Attributing a singular meaning to him in this context can be tricky. Furthermore, his pursuit of Hermaphroditus could be a more generic representation of the dangers of unrestrained desire, potentially a cautionary tale for the freedmen regardless of the social hierarchy.

"By considering Silenus as a potential symbol of constraints within a freedmen's home, we gain a richer understanding of the complex themes explored in the Room of the Cupids.  The artwork invites viewers to contemplate the challenges and opportunities that came with newfound freedom in Roman society,  alongside the ever-present realities of desire and its potential consequences. It's important to remember that interpretations can vary, and the freedmen who owned the house might have had their own unique perspective shaped by their experiences."

The reason I viewed  "constraint" as a significant message of the painting was  the fact that Silenus is behind and grasping the wrist of Hermaphroditus in what appears to be a threatening manner. The wealthy, even in the provinces, viewed the protestations of Augustus as "only" the first citizen with skepticism.

House of the Vettii VI 15,1 Pompeii 2023. Detail of Silenus grasping the wrist of
Hermaphroditus room q (Mau Plan) courtesy of Giuseppe Ciaramella

Taking this aspect of the painting into consideration, Gemini agreed this detail could point to power imbalance and social hierarchy.

"Forceful Advance:  Silenus' posture and actions highlight a power imbalance between him and Hermaphroditus.  This can be seen as a metaphor for the limitations freedmen faced despite their formal freedom.  The Roman elite, even in the provinces, might have still viewed them as subordinate.

"Skepticism of Freedom:  Your point about the skepticism surrounding Augustus' reforms regarding freedmen is very insightful.  The scene with Silenus could be interpreted as a reflection of this skepticism.  Even with manumission, freedmen might not have enjoyed complete social or economic freedom.

"Internal Conflict:  In addition to external constraints, Silenus might also represent the internal struggles freedmen faced.  Their newfound freedom might have been accompanied by feelings of uncertainty or a sense of being caught between their past and present social identities.

"Loss of Innocence:  The playful cupids throughout the room establish a sense of innocence and lightheartedness.  The Silenus and Hermaphroditus scene, with its potential violence, could symbolize the loss of this innocence associated with newfound freedom and the harsh realities of social dynamics.

"The interplay between the playful cupids and the potentially dark scene of Silenus and Hermaphroditus creates a complex message.  While the cupids might celebrate freedom, the Silenus scene could be a reminder of the limitations and challenges that still existed for freedmen in Roman society."

Beth Severy-Hoven points out another classicist, David Fredrick, also finds  an expression of power tied up with the pleasure and privilege of looking, and identifies it as a major theme in images that include the concealing or revealing of bodies [and aspirations?] using drapery, veils or disguises.

References:

Severy-Hoven, B. (2012), Master Narratives and the Wall Painting of the House of the Vettii, Pompeii. Gender & History, 24: 540-580. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2012.01697.x

Mau, August, "Pompeii Its Life and Art", Chapter XL, pp. 315-333; The MacMillan Company, London, 1899.

B. Bergmann, "The Roman house as memory theater: the House of the Tragic Poet in Pompeii," ArtB 76 (L994) 225-56; see esp. 23I-32 and 233 fig. 13. 

A. Wallace-Hadrill, Houses and Society in Pompeíi and Herculaneum (Princeton, 1994)

Tybout, Rolf A. (2001) Roman wall-painting and social significance, Journal of Roman Archaeology, Volume 14.

Mouritsen, Henrik. The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge, UK ; Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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