Turn of the century hotelier's magnificent find: The House of the Fruit Orchard (Casa del Frutteto)!

A history resource article by Mary Harrsch © 2024

I've been intrigued with The House of the Fruit Orchard since I searched for images of artwork that compared frescos from the House of the Wounded Bear with other houses and one of those discussed by Wolfgang Ehrhardt was Casa del Frutteto. I stumbled across a wonderful account of the house's discovery by a 1913 Italian hotelier published in an Australian paper, "The Age." So, I am working on an extensive article about the house and thought you might be interested in a shortened version of it. The house was one of those restored as part of the Great Pompeii Project in 2019 so we now have some wonderful images of the frescos thanks to Professor Johannes Eber as well as some other recent visitors. I will be uploading these images to Wikimedia Commons so they can be freely used for teaching and research.

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), looking east through doorway courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12 (Maiuri plan), painting of fountain from south wall in southeast corner courtesy of Johannes Eber
(See more images below the article)

As I have mentioned before, here in the US, photographs of two-dimensional public domain artwork are considered in the public domain as well and that license is applied on Wikimedia Commons which is based in the US.

But first, here is a brief (well, somewhat brief!) version of my article:

As part of The Great Pompeii Project, the Casa del Frutteto, House of the Orchard, was extensively restored and reopened to the public in December of 2019. Also known as the House of Euplia and the House of the Floral Cublicula, the house was originally constructed in the late third century BCE and subsequently restructured at least four times. After the earthquake in 62 CE, a wine shop where over 150 amphorae of wine were discovered, was incorporated into the complex with an entrance opening onto the Via dell'Abbondanza at 1 9,7.

The structure was excavated first in 1913 by the proprietor of the Hotel Suisse near the buried Roman city, who had acquired a piece of land about a kilometer and a half from the Herculaneum Gate. He began excavations at his own expense with the permission of the Italian government and uncovered what he described as several small living quarters, a very large kitchen and adjoining anterooms, part of the peristyle, and thirty-foot square dining room with high vaulted stuccoed ceiling and a sweeping view of the sea. The paintings on the walls in what are now numbered Rooms 8 - 12, were described as in an excellent state of preservation.

As reported in the May 17, 1913 issue of the Australian paper, The Age, "...the eye is feasted with a riot of brilliant color, put on with that sense of harmony which distinguishes the mural decorations of the ancients. No less beautiful are the decorations of that portion of the main hall brought to view. They are almost entirely pictorial, the lines of the figures being for the most part of a deep terra cotta red, such as is frequently found on the best painted walls of Pompeii. The subjects are of infinite variety and clear up several obscure points in details relating to heathen mythology."

The Italian government immediately began negotiations for the site and effectively blocked the lucrative sale of the property to J.P. Morgan.

With the exception of a fragment of Pompeian First Style paintings in room 13, and fragments of Second Style paintings found in the tablinum but thought to have fallen from the upper story, the mostly Pompeian Third Style paintings were left in situ and excavations did not resume until 1951 under the supervision of Pompeii superintendent Amedeo Maiuri. He considered the paintings of garden and orchard to be the finest found in Pompeii as recorded in his book "Pompeii" published in 1957.

"Instead of being painted , as was done mostly, on the open and well lit side-walls of porticos and gardens, they are to be seen on the inside walls of two cubicles. These walls are divided into sections by means of slender uprights looking rather like trellis supports than like columns, and show against a black or blue background the finest varieties of fruit trees that a skilled Pompeian gardener might raise in his orchard whether within the city or in the country: figs, dark and light plums, pears, medlars, arbutuses, cherries, and by their side lemon trees with their yellow fruits amid dark foliage, that represented a garden rarity in Campania during the first century of our era. Birds flying or resting on the branches, bushes of oleanders, of honeysuckle and of rose trees must have provided the owner, resting in his inner cubicle, with the cherished illusion to be gazing upon an open air orchard, so that these paintings respond to that lively love for nature that was among the principal inspiring motifs of the decoration of Roman houses."

In his paper, "The Social Structure of the Roman House," Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, observes, "The hallmark of imperial (i.e. third and fourth style) decoration is that the architectural details, which previously had formed the focus of the decoration, are used only as a frame. This framework gives structure to the decorated wall; and it provides the context for the panel paintings which now occupy the focal point. But in framing central spaces and structuring walls, these architectural details also 'frame' the social space of the room...A similar point emerges from those triclinia in which three architecturally framed panel paintings precisely surround the three couches of the triclinium at the upper end of the room. Here the paintings are scarcely visible to the diners themselves, who lie with backs to the walls; but the social activity of the convivium is magnificently framed from the viewpoint of an observer at the bottom end of the room." He cites the black triclinium [room 11] of the Casa del Frutteto as a good example.

Agneta Freccero, in his 2019 paper, Insula I 9: paintings, that appeared in Vol. 30 of Rivista di Studi Pompeiani, expressed his opinion that the four subject paintings in the triclinium, the Fall of Icarus on the east wall, the Duel of Eteocles and Polynices on the north wall, Artemis' revenge on Actaeon on the west wall, and the Punishment of Dirce on the south wall, point to an overall theme of the tragedy of unhappy love.

"...in each single painting we can follow a story from the beginning to the final punishment and fall," Freccero notes.

Freccero also attributes the paintings to the Boscotrecase painter, comparing them to those in the Casa di Marcus Lucretius Fronto and the Casa del Bell'Impluvio. He also observes other scholars have compared the garden paintings to those from the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta, to paintings in the Auditorium of Maecenas and to those in the Casa del Bracciale d'Oro.

Based on the high-quality paintings and finds, including a rare obsidian mirror found only in three other houses in Pompeii, a fine candelabrum, a rare bronze water heater, and ceramic and bronze tableware, Freccero concludes the proprietor was a prosperous man with a severe religious or occult outlook on life.

Images: A note about the room numbers. The room numbers have been modified to reflect room numbering as it appears in Maiuri's original excavation floorplan, not the sequence of pompeiiinpictures.com. Maiuri's room numbers are used by many academic scholars including those working on the Regio I Insula 9 Project of the British School of Rome. I have included a floorplan based on Maiuri's floorplan for your reference and it will also be uploaded to Wikimedia Commons as well.

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), detail from south wall with painting of Ariadne and Dionysus courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2018 Room 8 (Maiuri plan) looking east along south wall towards south-east corner courtesy of Aude Durand

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2017 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), zoccolo from lower east wall courtesy of Buzz Ferebee

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), Detail of painting of Egyptian pharaonic statue and cherry tree courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), Looking towards northeast corner and centre of east wall courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), detail from upper east wall courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2023 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), looking east through doorway courtesy of Miriam Colomer

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 8 (Maiuri plan), Detail of painting of Egyptian pharaonic statue and lemon tree north end of east wall courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) garden painting from upper west wall of cubiculum above doorway courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) upper painted panel of birds in tree from south wall in southeast corner courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2021 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) looking towards east wall, south-east corner, and south wall  courtesy of Davide Peluso

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) looking towards zoccolo on lower east wall of cubiculum courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) detail of painted table with Isis jug or jar on east wall courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) looking towards centre of east wall with painted table with Isis jug or jar of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 1966 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) east wall of cubiculum with detail of garden trellis painting white vases and Isis jar courtesy of Stanley Jashemski

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) east wall of cubiculum with painting of a snake in a fig tree with birds courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) looking towards east wall of cubiculum courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) painting from upper north wall at east end courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) partially recomposed ceiling courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2017 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) looking east across flooring courtesy of Annette Haug

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2023 Room 12, (Maiuri plan) looking east from doorway courtesy of Miriam Colomer

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 11, (Maiuri plan) west wall of triclinium. Painting of Acteon and Artemis, or Diana courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 11, (Maiuri plan) north wall of triclinium Painting of the War under Troy or Seven against Thebes courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2023 Room 11, (Maiuri plan) looking towards north wallcourtesy of Miriam Colomer

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2018 Room 11, (Maiuri plan) looking towards north wall, north-east corner and east wall courtesy of Aude Durand

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2022 Room 11, (Maiuri plan) triclinium, east wall with central painting courtesy of Johannes Eber

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2017 Room 5 (Maiuri plan), looking south from flooring in atrium, across mosaic doorway threshold and flooring in tablinum courtesy of Annette Haug

House of the Orchard I 9,5 Pompeii 2019 Room 5, tablinum, (Maiuri plan) fragment of decorated upper wall courtesy of Klaus Heese

Floorplan:

Bibliography:

"EXCAVATIONS IN POMPEII." The Age (Melbourne, Vic. : 1854 - 1954) 27 May 1913: 11. Web. 19 Sep 2024 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article199438557>.

FRECCERO, AGNETA. “Insula I 9: Paintings.” Rivista Di Studi Pompeiani, vol. 30, 2019, pp. 119–34. JSTOR, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27123872. Accessed 16 Sept. 2024.

Maiuri, Amedeo. Pompeii, Istituto Geografico de Agostini - Novara, 1957, p. 108. retrieved from the Internet Archive (https://archive.org/details/pompeii0000amed/page/n5/mode/2up?q=orchard) Sept. 2024.

Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew. “The Social Structure of the Roman House.” Papers of the British School at Rome, vol. 56, 1988, pp. 43–97. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40310883. Accessed 16 Sept. 2024.

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Did increased trade between India and the Roman Empire point to Caesarion's ultimate fate?

by Mary Harrsch © 2024

William Dalyrumple's new book, The Golden Road, (https://www.theguardian.com/.../the-golden-road-how...) appears to explore, in depth, a lucrative trade relationship between India and the Roman Empire that developed after Octavian's defeat of Antony and Cleopatra. But, was this relationship developed because of Rome's subsequent control of Egypt or did it reflect India's collaboration in the disposal of Caesarion by agents of Octavian in India?

Ptolemaic-era gold diadem with dangling pearl or shell ornaments pointing to early trade between Ptolemaic Egypt and India, 225-175 BCE, that I photographed at the Getty Villa in 2006. 

 

"Behold, you came with your vague charm. In history only a few lines are found about you, and so I molded you more freely in my mind. I molded you handsome and sentimental. My art gives to your face a dreamy compassionate beauty. And so fully did I envision you, that late last night, as my lamp was going out -- I let go out on purpose -- I fancied that you entered my room, it seemed that you stood before me; as you might have been in vanquished Alexandria, pale and tired, idealistic in your sorrow, still hoping that they would pity you, the wicked -- who whispered "Too many Caesars." - Constanine P. Cavafy, Greece, (1863-1933).

Although this evocative poetry is quite moving, it envisions Caesarion in a vanquished Alexandria while Plutarch relates Caesarion actually escaped to India, at least for a time, before being betrayed to Octavian’s agents.

Caesarion, who was said to be Cleopatra's son by Julius Caesar, was sent by his mother, with much treasure, into India, by way of Ethiopia. There Rhodon, another tutor like Theodorus, persuaded him to go back, on the ground that [Augustus] Caesar invited him to take the kingdom. - Plutarch, Life of Antony

Plutarch's account coincides with an oral tradition in India that the Cheras of Kerala traded extensively with Egypt and the descendants of that royal family were told letters were exchanged with Cleopatra.

The [Canadian] historian George Woodcock states Caesarion did indeed manage to escape with a large treasure and was granted asylum in Kerala. Lucy Hughes-Hallet in her book “Cleopatra: histories, dreams, distortions” says the Queen herself intended to flee to India but fell ill and therefore ordered her son to leave without her...whether or not he reached Kerala and survived is not known clearly, but the story assumes that he arrived in Kerala and was received as a honored guest of the royal family. In fact, such was the respect and importance of this guest that there is said to have been a matrimonial alliance between the Egyptian prince and a Chera princess. -Cleopatra and Cheraman Perumal

Furthermore, Nicolaus of Damascus reported ongoing communications between factions in India and Augustus at this time.

"This writer [Nicolaus of Damascus] states that at Antioch, near Daphne, he met with ambassadors from the Indians, who were sent to Augustus Caesar. It appeared from the letter that several persons were mentioned in it, but three only survived, whom he says he saw. The rest had died chiefly in consequence of the length of the journey. The letter was written in Greek upon a skin; the import of it was, that Porus was the writer, that although he was sovereign of six hundred kings, yet that he highly esteemed the friendship of Cæsar; that he was willing to allow him a passage through his country, in whatever part he pleased, and to assist him in any undertaking that was just."

I am disturbed that so many western scholars seem to discount the writings of eastern scholars when it comes to Caesarion's demise. When I asked Gemini about it, Gemini said most western scholars claim there simply wasn't enough time for Caesarion to reach India before Octavian's forces besieged Alexandria. I personally find that statement utterly ridiculous. The battle of Actium occurred on 2 September 31 BCE. Octavian did not seize control of Alexandria until 1 August 30 BCE - almost a full year later. Do they assume a very intelligent Cleopatra VII would have waited until the last minute to safeguard her precious son by Julius Caesar?

Other scholars point to the sudden increase in trade with India as just a consequence of Rome's complete takeover of Egypt and resulting exposure to Indian luxury goods. But did India trade as heavily with Egypt before Octavian's conquest? The geographer Strabo observes the intensity of activity at Alexandria's ports was significantly higher than it was under Ptolemaic rule.

Of course, any time you are evaluating ancient sources, you must consider the statement's accuracy if the source is patronized by a particular ruler. In Strabo's case, Strabo's participation in the military campaign into Arabia Felix alongside Aelius Gallus suggested a deeper connection with the Roman state. While it doesn't definitively prove direct financial support from Augustus, it strengthens the case for Strabo's work being influenced by, and potentially beneficial to, the emperor's interests.

So, what about the missive from a ruler in India (Porus is actually a Greek term referring to a king or chieftain and not necessarily a name) offering their assistance in "any undertaking that was just?" The clue that the document was written on animal skin points to the correspondence being of royal or noble origin and the contents deemed important enough to use animal skin and not more perishable palm leaves used commonly in India of that period for day-to-day administrative communications. The fact that it was intercepted near Antioch reflects the possibility of an origin in northwest India. At that time, northwest India was known as the Indo-Greek Kingdoms originally administered by descendants of Alexander the Great's commanders.

These Kingdoms periodically clashed with the Cheras of Kerala in southern India over control of trade, particularly the pearl trade, much of it involving pearl diving activities in the gulf of Manar. One or more of these chieftains would have been more interested in garnering control of the pearl trade than in any past promise of asylum made by one of the Cheras of Kerala to the 17-year-old descendant of a Ptolemy who no longer held any meaningful sovereignty.

All of this information was gleaned from my research of Indian's ancient pearl trade to see if a study of the source of pearls in Ptolemaic and Roman jewelry could point to the ultimate fate of Caesarion. I plan to public a full research article as my health permits.

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The Furies and Medusa: Distinctions in Greco-Roman Art

History resource article by Mary Harrsch © 2024

Orestes Pursued by the Furies by William-Adolphe Bouguereau (PD)

Although I have studied the plays of the Oresteia many years ago I did not remember that The Furies as well as Medusa have serpents for hair until I read Classical Wisdom's recent article about The Furies. It explains how The Furies were transformed from raving avengers to goddesses worshipped in Athens for their oversight of justice. This raised a question in my mind, from a Greco-Roman art perspective, as to how depictions of a fierce female with serpents for hair is identified as Medusa and not one of the Furies. Gemini told me:

"While both Medusa and the Furies are depicted with snakes for hair, there are several key visual cues that can help differentiate them in Greco-Roman art:

Medusa:

Face: Medusa is often portrayed with a hideous, distorted face, sometimes with protruding tongue or fangs. Her expression is typically one of terror or rage.

Wings: Medusa is usually depicted without wings.

Weapon: She is often armed with a sword or a shield, reflecting her role as a dangerous monster.

Petrifying Gaze: The most distinctive feature of Medusa is her petrifying gaze. Artists often depict her looking directly at the viewer, implying the viewer's potential transformation into stone.

Furies:

Face: The Furies, also known as Erinyes, are typically depicted with more human-like faces, although they may have a fierce or menacing expression.

Wings: The Furies are often portrayed with wings, symbolizing their swiftness and relentless pursuit of their victims.

Weapons: The Furies are often depicted with whips, torches, or snakes, which they use to inflict punishment.

Pursuit: The Furies are usually depicted in a state of pursuit, often chasing after their victims.

In summary, while both Medusa and the Furies share the characteristic of snake-like hair, their overall appearance and context within the artwork can help distinguish them. Medusa is typically more monstrous and intimidating, while the Furies are often more human-like and associated with pursuit and punishment."

I then pointed out the article said The Furies were often depicted in antiquity (not in the painting below) as old women and wouldn't this be a distinct difference as well? Gemini replied:

"Yes, that's a good point. The Furies are often depicted as having the visage of old women, which can help distinguish them from Medusa. This image of old women reflects their ancient and primordial nature as deities of vengeance and retribution.

So, to summarize the key differences:

Face: Medusa has a hideous, distorted face, while the Furies have the visage of old women.

Wings: Medusa is typically without wings, while the Furies often have wings.

Weapon: Medusa is often armed with a sword or shield, while the Furies use whips, torches, or snakes.

Gaze: Medusa has a petrifying gaze, while the Furies are often depicted in pursuit.

By considering these factors, you can more accurately identify whether a depiction in Greco-Roman art is of Medusa or one of the Furies."

The article mentioned how the song of The Furies was used to drive transgressors mad. So, I asked "When Athena convinced The Furies to essentially become the Eumenides, did they continue to use their devastating song to punish the convicted?"

Gemini replied:

"Yes, even after their transformation into the Eumenides (the Gracious Ones), the Furies continued to use their devastating song to punish the convicted. However, the nature of their punishment changed.

Before their transformation, the Furies were known for their relentless pursuit of victims and their ability to drive them to madness and suicide with their blood-curdling screams. After their transformation at the urging of Athena, they became more associated with justice and retribution. Their song, while still powerful, was now used to inflict a sense of guilt and shame upon those who had committed crimes.

The Eumenides were seen as agents of divine justice, ensuring that wrongdoers were punished and that order was maintained in society. Their song, while no longer as terrifying as it once was, still carried a significant weight and served as a powerful deterrent against evil."

If you are interested in studying the trio of plays known as the Oresteia, in which the Furies play a prominent role, I highly recommend The Great Courses series, "Greek Tragedy" presented by Professor Elizabeth Vandiver of Whitman College. Her other courses include "The Iliad," "The Odyssey," "The Aeneid" and "Herodotus:The Father of History", the very first course of The Great Courses offerings that I purchased and inspired me to buy others ever since. At present, I am thoroughly enjoying another of The Great Courses programs, "The Greek World: A Study of History and Culture" presented by Professor Robert Garland of Colgate University. I found his observation some scholars have suggested The Trojan War was triggered by the Trojans increasing demands for payment from the Greeks for passage through the Hellespont to trade with the Black Sea region, and not Helen's abduction, interesting, too.

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